Chapter III
Weakened
They are making us valueless.
— Bodru, a Rohingya man
While the military-run government enacted discriminatory laws, it also restricted free expression. Leaders took over or closed independent publications. For decades, they controlled the news. This included what was shared about the Rohingya and other minority groups.
A newly elected democratic government launched reforms in 2011 and changed the news landscape. The reforms introduced new ways to communicate via mobile phone technology and social media.
This increased access came with its costs. There were now more ways for hate speech directed at the Rohingya to circulate online, and it did.
Hundreds of Buddhist monks and others from the Rakhine Buddhist community participate in an anti-Rohingya protest in November 2014. Photo: Greg Constantine
Spreading Hate
The Burmese government and other prominent sources shared hate speech about the Rohingya for decades. In the years leading up to and immediately after the violent attacks of 2016 and 2017, they used new access to cell phones, the Internet, and social media to amplify those messages. This two-minute video explores how.
A Facebook post from one of the leaders of the anti-Rohingya movement shows a sign protesting the US Embassy in Burma’s recognition of the Rohingya.
Facebook post provided by Burma Human Rights Network.
Sources of Hate Speech
Hate speech directed at the Rohingya came from a few main sources. Ultra-nationalist monk-led groups view the Rohingya as a threat to the Buddhist identity of Burma. One of those organizations is commonly referred to by its Burmese-language acronym, MaBaTha. Its publications often included racist language and promoted violence against the Rohingya. These publications primarily served to promote Buddhist values. By slipping in anti-Rohingya messages, they helped to normalize the hate-filled content.
At the same time, the Burmese government used state-run media and state-sanctioned social media channels to convey an official message of discrimination against the Rohingya. Official Facebook pages from several government offices have been involved. They include the office of the de facto head of the Burmese government, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the head of the military, Sr. Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.
Burmese citizens shared and commented on these social media posts by extremist public figures, soldiers, and Buddhist monks.
Hate Speech that Claims Rohingya Are Not Citizens
One of the most widespread examples of anti-Rohingya hate speech is the claim that Rohingya are not native to Burma. That false narrative has been used for decades. It inspired the policy changes intended to revoke the Rohingya’s citizenship.
Newspaper Article, February 2013
This article quotes a Burmese immigration official telling citizens that “There is no so-called ‘Rohingya’ ethnic race” in Burma. The story appeared in the state-run New Light of Myanmar on February 21, 2013.
Image: Burma Library
Journal Article October 2016
This article, “Muslims Are Not the Union-Born Indigenous Citizens,” intended to show that the Rohingya, who are referred to only as Muslims, are not native to Burma. The story was published in the MaBaTha journal Tha Ki Thway on October 16, 2016.
Image: Understanding 'Buddhist Nationalism' in Myanmar Project
Journal Article, February 2017
This article, “There Is No ‘Rohingya’ At All,” falsely claimed the Rohingya do not exist. It appeared in the February 4, 2017, issue of the MaBaTha journal Ah Tu Mashi.
Image: Understanding 'Buddhist Nationalism' in Myanmar Project
Hate Speech that Targets Rohingyas' Humanity
Hate speech also painted Rohingya as less than human. It compared them to fleas, thorns, and an invasive species of tree. These characterizations were no accident. This language dehumanized the Rohingya and made violence against them seem less drastic and more acceptable.
Newspaper Opinion Column, November 2016
An opinion piece urged the Buddhist government to take action against the Rohingya. It compared them to a “thorn” that must be “removed if it pierces.” The opinion column appeared in the state-run newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar on November 1, 2016.
Image: Burma Library
Facebook Post, September 2017
One of Burma’s most popular cultural and political cartoonists, APK Cartoonist, posted this cartoon titled, “Crocodile Tears.” It depicts exiled Rohingya as crocodiles crying to the international media about how they want to return to Burma. The crocodile talking to the journalist says, “I had to flee from my native land.” The cartoon appeared on the front cover of the People’s Affair Journal, and APK shared it on September 18, 2017. It received over 6,900 likes and over 4,200 shares.
Image: Facebook
Newspaper Opinion Column, November 2016
Another opinion column indirectly compares Rohingya to fleas. It warned that “those human fleas are destroying our world by killing people and harming others’ sovereignty.” The opinion piece was published in the state-run newspaper The Global New Light of Myanmar on November 27, 2016.
Facebook Post, April 2016
An extremist monk and one of the leaders of the anti-Rohingya movement, Ashin Wirathu, wrote many posts warning that the Rohingya, as Muslims, were trying to overtake the Buddhist majority. In an April 8, 2016, post on his personal Facebook page, he wrote, “Muslims are Like Banyan Trees — If a banyan tree grows on the idol statues, the idol statues get destroyed.” The idol statues symbolized the Buddhist religion. “If you don’t want to suffer from the Muslim’s destructions, send them away,” Wirathu wrote. “I mean send them away from human society.” Over 1,600 people reacted to this post, and more than 1,140 people shared it.
Facebook post provided by Burma Human Rights Network.
Hate Speech that Claims Rohingya Are a Threat
Another example of anti-Rohingya hate speech suggests that, as Muslims, Rohingya are a threat to the government and Buddhist citizens in Burma. References to Muslims and Islam are generally understood to refer to the Rohingya. Those words are often used in negative messaging about them. These lies included saying that the Rohingya would soon outnumber the majority Buddhist population.
Journal Article, December 2014
The article “Jihad War on Myanmar” was meant to tie the Rohingya to Islamic extremism. The story appeared in the December 12, 2014, issue of the journal Tha Ki Thway. The journal is published by the nationalist Buddhist monk-led organization MaBaTha.
Image: Understanding 'Buddhist Nationalism' in Myanmar Project
Facebook Post, October 2016
Famous meteorologist and trusted public figure in Burma, Dr. Tun Lwin, wrote a Facebook post on October 11, 2016, which warned about an enemy invasion coming into Burma from Bangladesh. He had more than 1.5 million followers. The anti-Rohingya post went viral and resulted in more than 46,000 reactions, over 9,000 shares, and 800 comments.
Some people who commented referred to the Rohingya as invaders. Others called for their annihilation. They warned that if “their empire gets stronger, they can even demand autonomous region. Our Rakhine [Buddhist] brothers and sisters will be in trouble.”
Image: Facebook
Facebook Post, September 2017
The Facebook page of the office of the military leader Min Aung Hlaing posted excerpts from a televised and live-streamed event on September 9, 2017. The excerpts point out how Islam is spreading around the world, threatening countries, like Burma. The post received almost 10,000 reactions, over 6,000 shares, and 146 comments. Facebook removed the post in August 2018.
Facebook post provided by Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar.
Facebook Post, August 2017
The Burmese government’s Information Committee Facebook page is managed by the office of the State Counsellor, Aung San Suu Kyi, and has over 400,000 followers. On August 27, 2017, the popular page posted about supposed extremist terrorist activities in the Rakhine State. The post details several attacks against Burmese police. It reinforces the claim that the Rohingya are Bengali and not natives of Burma. The post received 2,600 reactions, 1,800 shares, and over 130 comments.
Commenters called for removing “all Bengalis from our motherland,” and wrote, “according to our history we never have Rohingya.”
Image: Facebook
Burmese police round up, beat, and physically abuse Rohingya in Koe Tan Kauk village, Rathedaung Township, in November 2016.
Photo: Ro Nay San Lwin
How the Rohingya Responded
Rohingya responded to the years of tightening legal restrictions, racist hate speech, and waves of state-sanctioned violence in numerous ways. Tens of thousands of those who had been physically attacked, or who lost their loved ones or their homes, fled by boat to nearby countries like Thailand and Malaysia. Others stayed in Burma and attempted to cope with the increasing restrictions.
In October 2016, a small group of Rohingya men, later known as ARSA, attacked Burmese police outposts using household knives, stones, and home-made explosives. The military retaliated with another widespread campaign of violence. They burned Rohingya homes and villages to the ground. Tens of thousands more Rohingya fled to neighboring countries for safety. Security forces increased restrictions again on those who stayed.
Making Rohingya “Valueless”
Over the course of his life, Bodru has been called all three and worse. He said it feels more unsettling to hear these words from the mouths of acquaintances than from the armed soldiers who used to stop him and demand his identification papers.
“They are making us valueless,” he said, describing the impact of casual slurs and dehumanizing language.
Several thousand Rakhine Buddhists march through the streets of Sittwe and chant anti-Rohingya slogans in November 2014.
Photo: Greg Constantine