Posts Tagged ‘democratization’

Mass Mobilizers or Niche Networks?: Rethinking Social Media and Political Reform

Thursday, December 3rd, 2009

In the wake of the 2009 Iranian elections, social media like Twitter created an ostensibly minute-by-minute news feed of events on the ground, with the #iranelection hashtag trending for weeks afterwards.  International media coverage of the event spoke of a “Twitter revolution,” and indeed, the theme of this Unconference is particularly pertinent in the context of such claims. When we look at ways to “use social media for good,” we must also be aware of the ways in which social media can either fail to create positive outcomes, or be utilized by the “bad guys.”

The US Institute of Peace’s Center of Innovation for Science, Technology, and Peacebuilding has been  has been examining this issue for some time and has been partnering with organziations like George Washington University, Harvard University’s Berkman Center for Internet & Society, Morningside Analytics, and Global Voices Online. While there’s clear evidence that social media can be beneficial for democracy and peace activists, there are challenges and downsides that must be taken into account, and we should approach the utility of social media with considerable skepticism.

Some points that should make us cautious about the causal connections we draw between social media and positive political outcomes:

1) These social media often tend to be the preserve of educated elite, especially in developing countries. Should we be skeptical of the grassroots political effects of a social media tool that is not widely adopted? At the time of the election, there were only 8500 Twitter users in Iran.

2) Repressive regimes are skilled at blocking internet access or other digital tools to their advantage. They can also rally their supporters to utilize social media tools to their own ends. For example, China employs it’s “50 cent army” to post pro-government blog and forum posts.

3) We should be wary of overstating the connections between online groups and actual collective action in repressive or violent contexts. The protests organized in opposition to the FARC in Colombia may have acted as a catalyst for large gatherings of people, but it is unlikely that many of the estimated 4.8 million Colombian protesters attended due to Facebook, since only 5% of Colombians actually use Facebook. Moreover, protests organized through social media in more repressive, violent contexts are bound to be problematic. Notifying pro-reform protesters of an upcoming rally on the streets of Cairo using a public space like Facebook can also notify the pro-government militias where they need to start violent crack-downs.

4) Social media can also socialize violent extremists, exposing them to a narrow set of messages that reinforce their existing ideas. They work to articulate partisan opinion in the same way that Fox News or MSNBC cater to the ideological leanings of their specific constituencies, only with more extreme results.

5) The potential insularity of online discourse can also undermine the cause of political reformers. When opposition groups are only talking amongst themselves, whether on the internet or otherwise, this diminishes their capacity to create broad, oppositional coalitions of the sort that are needed to trigger democratic transitions.

While the effects of social media need to be explored, these on-the-ground realities should give us pause. The limits of online discourse in the offline world should inform the way we formulate policy as we go forward.  These limits  should not diminish our enthusiasm for “using social media for good,” but they should temper our expectations.

We’re all organizers now: Cultivating movements with web 2.0

Wednesday, December 2nd, 2009

This session will be a look at the strategy of using online tools for social change.

I’ll be filling it with examples: How Kenyans in the midst of violent chaos used mobile phones to report attacks in real-time, ultimately helping to end the violence. How attempted revolutions in Madagascar and Moldova attracted the mainstream media’s attention thanks to constant online updates of people on the ground. How college students on MySpace and Facebook raised half a million dollars for Darfur.

Online tools comprising the “participatory web” offer groups a powerful way to empower supporters with ways to speak in their own voice. In the long-term, this means less focus on the organization and more focus on the movement, with individuals who know their voice matters and have seen the power of collective action. For museums and educational institutions, this may seem treacherous, but I believe it could lead these organizations to fulfill their deeper missions of social change.

Below, I sketch out some of the basic ideas for the session; I’ll leave the case studies for the presentation itself.

GRASSROOTS COMMUNITY ORGANIZING

One of the defining aspects of web 2.0 is social organization. People are constantly presented with their social circles in visual media: Facebook news feeds, MySpace top friends, Twitter updates, etc. In short, more people can see their network, in a much more literal way. This is especially true for young adults (currently Millennials) who might have social networks scattered across wide geographic areas and are less firmly rooted to a specific place through vocational, familial or other commitments.

Communities at the margins of society have always had a more visceral understanding of their social networks, which are often the sites of social change planning and strategizing — consider the role of black churches in the US civil rights movement, or gay bars and bathhouses in the early Stonewall era of the gay rights movement. So I don’t want to suggest that this phenomenon of a community visualized is necessarily new for everyone, but I think it is new for many folks in the mainstream of society.

The online “social web” — social networks and social media — allows people to organize their social connections, not simply to put them in order, but to connect and collaborate with others. Evite invitations and Facebook events are clear examples of this, as is Wikipedia.

Increasingly, the social web is teaching everyday folks how to be community organizers.

ORGANIZATIONS AND NONPROFITS: AMPLIFYING THE MOVEMENT’S VOICE

The question, then, is what role organizations and “professional organizers” (for lack of a better term) can play in this ecosystem.  The fact that more people are organizers, and that everyone can exercise leadership, does not mean that there is no role for the full-time organizer. Indeed, those with particular knowledge become more important than ever, passing on stories and lived experience, and sharing a pedagogy for cultivating new leadership. What fades away is the positioning of some people within a movement as “experts” to whom everyone looks for direction — and that has big implications for organizations.

Many nonprofits use social networks and online activism as a way to boost their membership rolls and donation levels. That seems less useful to me than focusing on empowering an effective movement — whether or not people donate to your organization or sign up for your newsletter. This isn’t to minimize the challenges everyone faces on how to support working for social change, both financially and emotionally. But it is to say that movements are bigger than any one nonprofit.

Only when the operational concerns are placed secondary to social change concerns do I see social change really being possible. It’s not a secondary outcome; it has to be the primary concern. And that’s true, in my opinion, whether you’re talking about online or offline social change.

What’s interesting is that this time around, there’s a significantly higher ability for activists to self-organize. The message to nonprofits from the past few years seems pretty clear: Stand in our way, and we’ll just go around you. The 2006 student walkouts for immigrant rights spread through MySpace without any “sponsoring” organization. As I explained in a presentation on social networks, when the Genocide Intervention Network first arrived on the scene, we found dozens of existing groups and networks already active — our objective was simply to connect them and provide them with effective tools for action. A participant in the protests over the Jena Six said, “I am so disappointed with the media right now. I live in Connecticut and I never even heard of this. Honestly if it wasn’t for Facebook, I still wouldn’t know.”

So the question really goes to the nonprofits and other groups using social networks and social media: What kind of social change do you want? And are you willing to help facilitate even if you don’t get credit/coverage/donations?

You need to let your supporters speak for you on social networks. The whole point of the social experience is the coveted “recommendation from a friend.” Forcing your members to send out only board-approved talking points won’t inspire much loyalty, and probably won’t be very persuasive to their friends. Nonprofits have to be willing to lose some of their message control in exchange for member loyalty and long-term movement building.

Further ideas on organizing and movement-building online:

• Finding the movement’s voice: Online social networks and social change (list of resources, including numerous blogs)
• Accountability Through Web 2.0: A Sudan Case Study (how “web 2.0″ could be driving a new model in “crowdsourced” high-level advocacy)
• Gurus Are Not Enough: A Call for Organizers and Organizing in Social Media
• Using Social Networks for Social Change: Facebook, MySpace and More

[Session proposal] “Historians of the world, (use Web 2.0 tools and) unite!”

Sunday, November 8th, 2009

Web 2.0 social computing technologies have signaled the era of “democratization” of archives by allowing users to interact with collections and finding aids, and be proactive in the process of knowledge production. The term “democratization” is of course questionable and controversial considering the “digital divide,” and the easiness with which new media can be manipulated.

Historians doing Jewish history study people whose “memory” is kept in multiple repositories in different countries with often competing and opposing histories, and various languages. The variety of archival holdings (in shape, form, and content) limits what a historian can physically and intellectually do. Web 2.0 social computing environments offer the possibility to overcome such realities that affect our knowledge about history both quantitatively as well as qualitatively.

I would like to explore how historians and “lay people,” through social computing environments, can contribute to scholarship and collection development by populating archives with their amassed, individual knowledge. Social computing environments offer unprecedented opportunities for historians studying common subjects to come together and create a wealth of data.

I will tie this specifically with the case of Sephardic communities in the Balkans. I would like to examine issues of authorship and how these communities can or should impose access restrictions for material that they have produced but now cannot control due to political, legal, linguistic, or geographic reasons.