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Darfur, Sudan
Overview: Darfur, Sudan
Since early 2003, Sudanese government soldiers and their proxy militia, known as Janjaweed, have fought rebel groups in the western region of Darfur. In a genocide campaign that lasted from 2003 to 2005, at least 200,000 civilians died from violence, disease, and starvation. Since 2003, thousands of women have been raped and more than 2.5 million have been driven from their homes, their villages burned and property stolen.
Although rebel groups have contributed to the region's insecurity, the Sudanese government bears primary responsibility for the danger to civilians.
A pattern of government sponsored actions include:
• Backing Janjaweed militias in systematic attacks against civilians from the same ethnic groups as the rebel forces, primarily the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masaalit ethnic groups;
• Bombing civilians from aircraft;
• Committing massive human rights abuses including: murder, rape, and persecution based on race, ethnicity, and religion;
• Impeding international humanitarian access, resulting in deadly conditions of life for displaced people;
• Harassing internally displaced persons.
Although large-scale government attacks against civilians have declined since 2005, millions remains at risk as the fighting continues. Most of the displaced have not returned home for fear that their villages will be attacked again. In March 2005, the UN Security Council referred the case of Sudan to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for investigation of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. In July 2008, ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo requested the court issue an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, charging him with genocide among other crimes for the government's role in orchestrating violence in Darfur. Authorized in August 2006 by the Security Council, a hybrid UN-AU peacekeeping force (UNAMID) is on the ground in Darfur, although it remains underfunded, understaffed, and vulnerable to attacks.
Current Situation
Obama Appoints Special Envoy for Sudan
On March 18 President Obama appointed retired Air Force Major General Scott Gration as his Special Envoy for Sudan. Gen. Gration is a decorated fighter pilot who was raised in Africa and speaks fluent Swahili. In 2006, Gen. Gration accompanied then-Senator Obama to Africa, where the two visited refugee camps in eastern Chad, and often traveled with Obama during the presidential campaign last year. As Special Envoy, Gen. Gration will work to implement the policy of the Obama administration in Sudan.
Aid Groups Expelled from Darfur
In the wake of an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir issued by the International Criminal Court on March 4, the Sudanese government has expelled at least thirteen major aid organizations working in Darfur. President Bashir declared that he wants all international aid organizations out of Sudan within the next year. The expulsion has removed 40 percent of the aid workers in Darfur, roughly 6500 national and international workers.
These thirteen organizations were responsible for over half the humanitarian operations in Darfur and were vital partners for UN agencies providing, food, water, healthcare, and education. As a result about 1.1 million people in the IDP camps will be without these necessities.
The kidnapping of three international aid workers in north Darfur by a group of armed men has raised tensions in the region and suggests an increasingly dangerous environment for those aid organizations who continue to operate in the area.
ICC Issues Arrest Warrant for Bashir
On March 4, 2009, a Pre-Trial Chamber of the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced its historic decision to issue an arrest warrant charging Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir with five counts of crimes against humanity and two counts of war crimes for his leadership role in orchestrating the conflict in Darfur.
The charges against Mr. Bashir include murder, extermination, forcible transfer, torture, rape, intentionally directing attacks against a civilian population, and pillaging. Notably absent from the warrant is the charge of genocide.
This decision marks the first time the ICC has issued an arrest warrant for a sitting head of state.
Some have contended that an ICC indictment of the President of Sudan, which enforces international law and holds him accountable for his crimes, is necessary for sustained peace. Others are concerned that such an indictment could negatively impact the peace negotiations, prolonging war or perhaps even accelerating it resulting in more deaths, sexual violence, destruction, and misery. These debates intensified in July 2008, when the ICC prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo presented evidence of crimes to a panel of ICC judges and asked them to issue an arrest warrant for Sudanese President al-Bashir on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes for his leadership role in orchestrating violence in Darfur.
The Sudanese government has said it will resist the ICC request, contending that Bashir is innocent. Two others in Sudan Ahmad Harun, Minister in charge of security, and Ali Kushayb, a janjaweed militia leader were indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity by the ICC in 2007. They were not considered senior enough to impact peace negotiations.
Following the announcement of the arrest warrant, the Sudanese government expelled several humanitarian aid agencies from Sudan, jeopardizing the lives of millions.
On March 5, 2009, the Museum issued a press statement, decrying the eviction of aid agencies in Darfur and Southern Sudan.
ICC Arrest Warrant Requested for Bashir
On July 14, 2008, International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo asked the court to issue an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, charging him with several counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes for the government’s role in orchestrating genocidal violence in Darfur. In announcing the request, Ocampo said that President Bashir had masterminded and implemented a strategy aimed at destroying the three primary ethnic groups in Darfur: the Fur, Zaghawa, and Masaalit. The ICC judges may take several months to review the evidence before deciding whether or not to issue the warrant. This request is the first time the ICC prosecutor has brought charges against a sitting head of state. Tensions in Sudan remain high, as government-led reprisals could hamper humanitarian aid efforts, peace negotiations in Darfur, or the beleaguered UN peacekeeping deployment.
The charges against Bashir come amidst continuing conflict in Darfur and a mixed record of implementing the terms of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between Sudan’s north and south. In May, government forces attacked and destroyed the disputed border town of Abyei. Some plans, however, are moving forward for the first national elections in more than twenty years.
In the CPA, the final status of Abyei, an oil rich area, was left to international arbitration. The Government of Sudan rejected a mediated decision and tensions had been building around the area for several months. In May, the tensions and sporadic violence culminated in a government attack that resulted in the displacement of 50,000 people and destroyed the town.
In response to the violence, the Joint Integrated Unit (JIU) re-deployed to Abyei in June, paving the way for people to return with assistance from the UN. Established by the CPA, the JIU is comprised of an equal number of soldiers from SAF and the SPLA and is responsible for securing the region from other forces.
Although the fighting in Abyei threatened to disrupt immediate political progress, the Sudanese government proceeded in early July under the terms of the 2005 peace deal by passing a new electoral law that allows preparations for a national election next year. A national census, begun in late April as a prerequisite for the 2009 elections, is being conducted and will help determine the distribution of power and oil proceeds throughout Sudan. Complicated by the movement of displaced populations, vocal opposition from Darfur’s rebel groups, and the difficulties of accessing parts of the country due to fighting and landmines, the official count is likely to be problematic.
Government Obstruction
There was a spike in violence recently in Darfur as the Sudanese government and their proxy militia, the janjaweed, returned to scorched-earth tactics commonly used from 2003 to early 2005. The violence has become increasingly multidimensional as the rebel groups oppose the Sudanese government and janjaweed, but also fight amongst each other for control of certain territories. According to U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan, Richard Williamson, the fighting has displaced an additional 75,000 Darfurian civilians since the beginning of 2008.
The situation inside Darfur is linked to an increase in violence across the border in Chad. On February 2, 2008, shortly before a French-led EU force was due to deploy to the Chad-Sudan border, Chadian rebel fighters launched an attack on Chad’s capital of N’djamena. The rebels were ultimately unsuccessful and on March 13, Sudanese President al-Bashir and Chadian President Idriss Deby signed a peace agreement aimed at ending support for rebel groups in the region. The violence continues to take a toll of civilians, causing new waves of destruction and displacement in Darfur, in refugee camps in Chad, and for Chadian civilians.
As of mid March, hybrid AU-UN peacekeeping force for Darfur had deployed only 7,000 out of 26,000 promised troops. The mission has been hampered by Sudanese government obstruction, a lack of resources and logistical challenges.
A Hybrid UN-African Force?
Efforts are underway to deploy a hybrid UN-African Union peacekeeping force of 26,000 to replace the poorly equipped and overextended 7,000 AU troops now on the ground. On September 30, hundreds of rebels raided an AU peacekeeping base in Haskanita, killing at least ten soldiers and kidnapping dozens more. Aid officials are concerned that these attacks will discourage UN member nations from committing troops to the new hybrid force.
The UN and the AU are convening peace talks on October 27, in Tripoli, Libya. Key rebel leaders are refusing to participate, and the good faith of Khartoum remains under scrutiny.
A Top Priority
The situation on the ground in Darfur continues to deteriorate. Reports of new attacks against civilians, thousands newly displaced, humanitarian aid access declining and an increase in humanitarian withdrawals in December 2006 as a result of growing insecurity all contribute to a bleak picture for Darfur. According to Jan Egeland, the former head of UN humanitarian operations, such a scenario could potentially result in a loss of life reaching in excess of 100,000 per month.
The new UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, announced that Darfur will be a top priority for him. He traveled to the African Union Summit at the end of January to urge al-Bashir to cooperate with the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Out-going Secretary-General Kofi Annan announced in December that the former General Assembly president and Swedish foreign minister Jan Eliasson was appointed as a special envoy for Darfur. At the end of January 2007 a UN assessment mission visited Chad and CAR to assess possibilities for UNPKO being deployed there to stem growing violence spilling over from Sudan.
In February Chinese President Hu Jintao on a visit to Khartoum told Sudan that it must give the United Nations a bigger role in trying to resolve the conflict in Darfur. President Hu Jintao also signed an agreement in which China undertook to build schools, a new presidential palace, reduced import tariffs on some Sudanese goods, granted a loan of 600 million yuan (US$77.4 million; euro59.5 million) for infrastructure, and gave a grant of a US$40 million (euro30.7 million).
There has been little progress towards the creation of a UN peacekeeping force for Darfur. Although Sudan’s President al-Bashir wrote to the UN Secretary General Annan that he would agree to hybrid operation in December 2006, he gave no details on troop size or composition, or command and control. Subsequent statements by the Sudanese government make clear that UN troops are not welcome. As of April 2007, the government of Sudan continues to resist the deployment of additional international troops. In early April, five African Union troops were killed and refugees continue to flow into Chad. United States Deputy Secretary of State, John Negroponte is expected to visit Sudan and deliver a message aimed at persuading the Sudanese government to accept UN troops.
Newly Proposed Hybrid AU/UN Force
On Friday, November 17, a newly proposed hybrid/interim force emerged out of discussions with AU, Arab League and African officials in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It appears that some of the details of this new force still need to be ironed out. The Sudanese government, claiming victory, contends the new formulation will not be led by blue helmets. Abdulmahmoud Abduhaleem, Sudan’s UN envoy, said: “This is a new plan that can be largely accepted by Sudan and takes 1706 to the graveyard,” he said, referring to the number of Security Council resolution that the authorized the UN force. “1706 is dead.” This would be a “very special type of operation” with the UN “paying for the AU to do the job.” Meanwhile, the United Nations and others have a different take on it. The United States National Security Council spokesman Gordon Johndroe said about the Addis agreement: “This agreement paves the way for a joint AU/UN peacekeeping force for Darfur composed primarily of and led by Africans, and commanded, supported and funded by the UN.”
For many, ultimately, the effectiveness of whatever force is deployed will depend on three things: troop size, command structure and mandate. Outgoing UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan is calling for 17,000 troops and 3,000 police from Africa under U.N control structure, while Sudan claims that 12,000 troops would be enough. Sudanese Foreign Minister Lam Akol said his government was willing to allow some international logistical support for the AU mission in Darfur, but would never accept UN command of the force. And, asked by reporters about the possibility of blue-helmeted UN peacekeepers in Darfur, he replied simply “No.”
On November 24th, Sudan will outline their demands for this force at the AU peace and security meeting in the Congo.
Serious Deterioration in Darfur
On August 10, 2006, Jan Egeland, the UN Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs stated that “It’s going from real bad to catastrophic in Darfur.” Developments in September 2006 have only heightened the crisis.
Most greeted the May 5th signing of the African Union-drafted peace accord by the Sudanese government and a SLM rebel faction with cautious optimism. Other rebel groups, although not all of them, later agreed to the terms of the peace accords. However, by late summer many of the early deadlines in the agreement had passed, violence had increased, and humanitarian supplies were dwindling. In a addition to the continued violence perpetrated by the Government of Sudan and its proxy forces the Janjaweed, a recent upsurge of violence in Darfur has been attributed to fracturing allegiances within rebel groups and one rebel group aligning itself with Sudanese government forces. According to an article in the Washington Post, these new forces are armed with expanded weapons stocks, backed by government planes making bombing runs and augmenting the Janjaweed militias that already were raping, looting and killing their way through Darfur.
Over the summer, another 40,000 civilians have been displaced. In July alone, nine aid workers were killed, more than the two previous years combined. This past year attacks on non-governmental organizations were 75% higher than last year and the African Union monitoring mission experienced a 900% increase in attacks against them. In Darfur nearly 3.5 million people depend on humanitarian assistance, while aid levels have dropped and, due to poor security, access to vulnerable populations has decreased. The United Nations has estimated that only 50% of the people who need aid are receiving it.
On August 31, the UN Security Council passed a resolution, authorizing the deployment of UN peacekeepers to Darfur. The deployment of the UN force, however, requires the consent of Khartoum. The government of Sudan continues to vehemently reject the possibility of a multinational deployment.
The African Union force mandate ends September 30, and now the Government of Sudan has told the AU to leave if it insists on handing over its mission to the United Nations.
With a potential AU departure and little sign of a UN force deployment, millions of Darfurians, who rely on outside assistance, remain trapped in a struggle to survive in a harsh desert environment. Thousands die each week from exposure and lack of food, water, and shelter.
Further, the government recently launched a new military offensive targeting rebel groups and civilians in north Darfur. Several international and Sudanese journalists have also been threatened, detained by authorities, and in one case, killed.
Darfur has moved into a lethal phase; civilians, aid workers, journalists and AU forces are all at risk.
Violence Sends Darfurians to Chad
Violence continued to spiral out of control in January and February 2006, affecting unprotected civilians and delivery of crucial humanitarian aid. Ongoing attacks against non Arab villages continue to displace civilians from their homes. Camps for internally displaced persons within Darfur suffered armed attacks, driving Darfurians across the border into Chad.
The relative safety Chad can offer is at risk, as cross-border hostilities increase. Both countries accuse the other of supporting rebel insurgents. The fighting threatens civilians in both Sudan and Chad and could paralyze the delivery of essential humanitarian supplies in Darfur and Chad. In Darfur the delivery of aid is already precarious, twenty UN humanitarian aid trucks were stolen by unidentified gunmen in Darfur in recent weeks and remains a lifeline for people whose livelihoods have been systematically destroyed.
On February 17, 2006, President Bush called for doubling the number of international troops in Darfur and for a bigger role for NATO in the peacekeeping effort. While the United Nations Security Council took steps towards sending a UN peacekeeping force to the region, neither the African Union nor the Sudanese government have yet agreed to such a force.
